This is a disturbing turn into the Technocratic state, where anything that is visible and snatchable is subject to confiscation. Once anything is tokenized, it can be robbed. That includes both payment and asset tokens that the Trump Administration is setting up, courtesy of billionaire oligarchs. These Technocrats are no better than the horse thieves or bank robbers in the 1800s; only the means have changed. They need to be stopped, but they are clever at covering their tracks. ⁃ Patrick Wood, Editor.
Governments around the world are no longer content to regulate crypto—they’re starting to hunt it. If you’re still using traceable chains without a confidential layer, you’ve basically volunteered to be the canary in the cage when the state decides it doesn’t like your transaction history.
In Canada, the RCMP just pulled off the largest crypto seizure in the country’s history—over $56 million—shutting down TradeOgre, a privacy-focused exchange, in the process. The official excuse? Failing to register and obscuring client identities. In plain terms: it let people move money without the government’s permission. That was the real crime. The seizure didn’t happen after some act of violence or harm—it happened because the state couldn’t see everything. That’s where we are now.
Meanwhile, in Vietnam, the government is deactivating over 86 million bank accounts unless users submit to biometric ID systems. No scan, no money. This isn’t some rogue state—this is the global template. Tie identity to finance, tie finance to obedience. Miss a deadline or resist the terms, and your funds vanish. The system doesn’t care who you are—it cares that you’re compliant.
Both stories point to the same thing: the infrastructure of financial control is no longer theoretical. It’s active. And you don’t have to be a criminal to get caught up in it. Just be inconvenient. Donate to the wrong cause. Question the wrong narrative. Or try to remain anonymous in a world where anonymity is now treated like a red flag. The state doesn’t need a conviction to take your assets. All it needs is a justification—and in 2025, “too private” is justification enough.
This is why privacy coins like Zano matter more than ever. Zano isn’t a hype token. It’s a defensive weapon. Every transaction is private by default. There’s no public ledger for bureaucrats to trace. No exchange with a backdoor. No choke point to seize. And when you combine it with the Confidential Layer—a decentralized tool for bridging over assets like Bitcoin—you gain something that state power hates: plausible deniability and untraceable autonomy.
People still holding funds on public blockchains need to understand the risk. If your BTC is sitting on-chain without cover, it’s not freedom—it’s evidence. The tools exist to bridge into private chains right now. Not someday. Not after the next bill passes. Now. Waiting for regulation to “clarify” privacy is like waiting for the wolves to explain how the sheep should defend themselves.
This isn’t about hiding wrongdoing. It’s about shielding peace. It’s about making sure your ability to donate, transact, and dissent doesn’t depend on the goodwill of a government that doesn’t know you and doesn’t care. Financial privacy isn’t a crime—it’s a cornerstone of human dignity.
The panic will escalate. Governments will keep pretending this is about “safety” and “compliance.” But make no mistake: they are building a system where every transaction requires permission, and every deviation is punished by design.
If you’re still visible, you’re vulnerable. Privacy tech is the firewall. Confidential bridges are the escape routes. And Zano is leading the way out.
This won’t stop until enough people opt out. Quietly. Permanently. Strategically. Because by the time they knock, it’s already too late.
Patrick Wood is a leading and critical expert on Sustainable Development, Green Economy, Agenda 21, 2030 Agenda and historic Technocracy. He is the author of Technocracy Rising: The Trojan Horse of Global Transformation (2015) and co-author of Trilaterals Over Washington, Volumes I and II (1978-1980) with the late Antony C. Sutton.
